At this crucial moment in American history, when voting rights could be expanded to include all citizens, or legislatively limited, this significantly updated edition of Who Rules America? shows precisely how the top 1% of the population, who own 43% of all financial wealth, and receive 20% of the nation's yearly income, dominate governmental decision-making. They have created a corporate community and a policy-planning network, made up of foundations think-tanks, and policy-discussion groups, to develop the policies that become law. Through a leadership group called the power elite, the corporate rich provide campaign donations and other gifts and favors to elected officials, serve on federal advisory committees, and receive appointments to key positions in government, all of which make it possible for the corporate rich and the power elite to rule the country, despite constant challenges from the inclusionary alliance and from the Democratic Party. The book explains the role of both benign and dark attempts to influence public opinion, the machinations of the climate-denial network, and how the Supreme Court came to have an ultraconservative majority, who serve as a backstop for the corporate community as well as a legitimator of restrictions on voting rights, union rights, and abortion rights, by ruling that individual states have the power to set such limits. Despite all this highly concentrated power, it will be the other 99.5%, not the top 0.5%, who will decide the fate of the United States in the 2020s on all the important issues.

This volume presents a network of social power, indicating that theories inspired by C.Wright Mills are far more accurate views about power in America than those of Mills's opponents.

Dr. Domhoff shows how and why coalitions within the power elite have involved themselves in such policy issues as the Social Security Act (1935) and the Employment Act (1946), and how the National Labor Relations Act (1935) could pass against the opposition of every major corporation. The book descri bes how experts worked closely with the power elite in shaping the plansfor a post-World War II world economic order, in good part realized during the past 30 years. Arguments are advanced that the fat cats who support the Democrats cannot be understood in terms of narrow self-interest, and that moderate conservatives dominated policy-making under Reagan.

At this crucial moment in American history, when voting rights could be expanded to include all citizens, or legislatively limited, this significantly updated edition of Who Rules America? shows precisely how the top 1% of the population, who own 43% of all financial wealth, and receive 20% of the nation's yearly income, dominate governmental decision-making. They have created a corporate community and a policy-planning network, made up of foundations think-tanks, and policy-discussion groups, to develop the policies that become law. Through a leadership group called the power elite, the corporate rich provide campaign donations and other gifts and favors to elected officials, serve on federal advisory committees, and receive appointments to key positions in government, all of which make it possible for the corporate rich and the power elite to rule the country, despite constant challenges from the inclusionary alliance and from the Democratic Party. The book explains the role of both benign and dark attempts to influence public opinion, the machinations of the climate-denial network, and how the Supreme Court came to have an ultraconservative majority, who serve as a backstop for the corporate community as well as a legitimator of restrictions on voting rights, union rights, and abortion rights, by ruling that individual states have the power to set such limits. Despite all this highly concentrated power, it will be the other 99.5%, not the top 0.5%, who will decide the fate of the United States in the 2020s on all the important issues.

Almost all US cities are controlled by real estate and development interests, but Santa Cruz, California, is a deviant case. An unusual coalition of socialist-feminists, environmentalists, social-welfare liberals, and neighborhood activists has stopped every growth project proposed by landowners and developers since 1969, and controlled the city council since 1981. Even after a 1989 earthquake forced the city to rebuild its entire downtown, the progressive elected officials prevailed over developers and landowners. Drawing on hundreds of primary documents, as well as original, previously unpublished interviews, The Leftmost City utilizes an extended case study of Santa Cruz to critique three major theories of urban power: Marxism, public-choice theory, and regime theory. Santa Cruz is presented within the context of other progressive attempts to shape city government, and the authors' findings support growth-coalition theory, which stresses the conflict between real estate interests and neighborhoods as the fundamental axis of urban politics. The authors conclude their analysis by applying insights gleaned from Santa Cruz to progressive movements nationwide, offering a template for progressive coalitions to effectively organize to achieve political power.

Based on new archival research, G. Williams Domhoff challenges popular conceptions of the 1930's New Deal. Arguing instead that this period was one of increasing corporate dominance in government affairs, affecting the fate of American workers up to the present day. While FDR's New Deal brought sweeping legislation, the tide turned quickly after 1938. From that year onward nearly every major new economic law passed by Congress showed the mark of corporate dominance. Domhoff accessibly portrays documents of the Committee's vital influence in the halls of government, supported by his interviews with several of its key employees and trustees. Domhoff concludes that in terms of economic influence, liberalism was on a long steady decline, despite two decades of post-war growing equality, and that ironically, it was the successes of the civil rights, feminist, environmental, and gay-lesbian movements-not a new corporate mobilisation-that led to the final defeat of the liberal-labour alliance after 1968.

Based on new archival research, G. Williams Domhoff challenges popular conceptions of the 1930's New Deal. Arguing instead that this period was one of increasing corporate dominance in government affairs, affecting the fate of American workers up to the present day. While FDR's New Deal brought sweeping legislation, the tide turned quickly after 1938. From that year onward nearly every major new economic law passed by Congress showed the mark of corporate dominance. Domhoff accessibly portrays documents of the Committee's vital influence in the halls of government, supported by his interviews with several of its key employees and trustees. Domhoff concludes that in terms of economic influence, liberalism was on a long steady decline, despite two decades of post-war growing equality, and that ironically, it was the successes of the civil rights, feminist, environmental, and gay-lesbian movements-not a new corporate mobilisation-that led to the final defeat of the liberal-labour alliance after 1968.

This book critiques and extends the analysis of power in the classic, Who Rules America?, on the fiftieth anniversary of its original publication in 1967-and through its subsequent editions. The chapters, written especially for this book by twelve sociologists and political scientists, provide fresh insights and new findings on many contemporary topics, among them the concerted attempt to privatize public schools; foreign policy and the growing role of the military-industrial component of the power elite; the successes and failures of union challenges to the power elite; the ongoing and increasingly global battles of a major sector of agribusiness; and the surprising details of how those who hold to the egalitarian values of social democracy were able to tip the scales in a bitter conflict within the power elite itself on a crucial banking reform in the aftermath of the Great Recession. These social scientists thereby point the way forward in the study of power, not just in the United States, but globally. A brief introductory chapter situates Who Rules America? within the context of the most visible theories of power over the past fifty years-pluralism, Marxism, Millsian elite theory, and historical institutionalism. Then, a chapter by G. William Domhoff, the author of Who Rules America?, takes us behind the scenes on how the original version was researched and written, tracing the evolution of the book in terms of new concepts and research discoveries by Domhoff himself, as well as many other power structure researchers, through the 2014 seventh edition. Readers will find differences of opinion and analysis from chapter to chapter. The authors were encouraged to express their views independently and frankly. They do so in an admirable and useful fashion that will stimulate everyone's thinking on these difficult and complex issues, setting the agenda for future studies of power.

"Class and Power in the New Deal" provides a new perspective on the origins and implementation of the three most important policies that emerged during the New Deal--the Agricultural Adjustment Act, the National Labor Relations Act, and the Social Security Act. It reveals how Northern corporate moderates, representing some of the largest fortunes and biggest companies of that era, proposed all three major initiatives and explores why there were no viable alternatives put forward by the opposition.
More generally, this book analyzes the seeming paradox of policy support and political opposition. The authors seek to demonstrate the superiority of class dominance theory over other perspectives--historical institutionalism, Marxism, and protest-disruption theory--in explaining the origins and development of these three policy initiatives. Domhoff and Webber draw on extensive new archival research to develop a fresh interpretation of this seminal period of American government and social policy development.

The Corporate Rich and the Power Elite in the Twentieth Century demonstrates exactly how the corporate rich developed and implemented the policies and created the government structures that allowed them to dominate the United States. The book is framed within three historical developments that have made this domination possible: the rise and fall of the union movement, the initiation and subsequent limitation of government social-benefit programs, and the postwar expansion of international trade. The book's deep exploration into the various methods the corporate rich used to centralize power corrects major empirical misunderstandings concerning all three issue-areas. Further, it explains why the three ascendant theories of power in the early twenty-first century-interest-group pluralism, organizational state theory, and historical institutionalism-cannot account for the complexity of events that established the power elite's supremacy and led to labor's fall. More generally, and convincingly, the analysis reveals how a corporate-financed policy-planning network, consisting of foundations, think tanks, and policy-discussion groups, gradually developed in the twentieth century and played a pivotal role in all three issue-areas. Filled with new archival findings and commanding detail, this book offers readers a remarkable look into the nature of power in America during the twentieth century, and provides a starting point for future in-depth analyses of corporate power in the current century.

Distinguished psychologist G. William Domhoff brings together-for the first time-all the necessary tools needed to perform quantitative studies of dream content using the rigorous system developed by Calvin S. Hall and Robert van de Castle. The book contains a comprehensive review of the literature, detailed coding rules, normative findings, and statistical tables.

Distinguished psychologist G. William Domhoff brings together-for the first time-all the necessary tools needed to perform quantitative studies of dream content using the rigorous system developed by Calvin S. Hall and Robert van de Castle. The book contains a comprehensive review of the literature, detailed coding rules, normative findings, and statistical tables.

Almost all US cities are controlled by real estate and development interests, but Santa Cruz, California, is a deviant case. An unusual coalition of socialist-feminists, environmentalists, social-welfare liberals, and neighborhood activists has stopped every growth project proposed by landowners and developers since 1969, and controlled the city council since 1981. Even after a 1989 earthquake forced the city to rebuild its entire downtown, the progressive elected officials prevailed over developers and landowners. Drawing on hundreds of primary documents, as well as original, previously unpublished interviews, "The Leftmost City" utilizes an extended case study of Santa Cruz to critique three major theories of urban power: Marxism, public-choice theory, and regime theory. Santa Cruz is presented within the context of other progressive attempts to shape city government, and the authors' findings support growth-coalition theory, which stresses the conflict between real estate interests and neighborhoods as the fundamental axis of urban politics. The authors conclude their analysis by applying insights gleaned from Santa Cruz to progressive movements nationwide, offering a template for progressive coalitions to effectively organize to achieve political power.

This book critiques and extends the analysis of power in the classic, Who Rules America?, on the fiftieth anniversary of its original publication in 1967-and through its subsequent editions. The chapters, written especially for this book by twelve sociologists and political scientists, provide fresh insights and new findings on many contemporary topics, among them the concerted attempt to privatize public schools; foreign policy and the growing role of the military-industrial component of the power elite; the successes and failures of union challenges to the power elite; the ongoing and increasingly global battles of a major sector of agribusiness; and the surprising details of how those who hold to the egalitarian values of social democracy were able to tip the scales in a bitter conflict within the power elite itself on a crucial banking reform in the aftermath of the Great Recession. These social scientists thereby point the way forward in the study of power, not just in the United States, but globally. A brief introductory chapter situates Who Rules America? within the context of the most visible theories of power over the past fifty years-pluralism, Marxism, Millsian elite theory, and historical institutionalism. Then, a chapter by G. William Domhoff, the author of Who Rules America?, takes us behind the scenes on how the original version was researched and written, tracing the evolution of the book in terms of new concepts and research discoveries by Domhoff himself, as well as many other power structure researchers, through the 2014 seventh edition. Readers will find differences of opinion and analysis from chapter to chapter. The authors were encouraged to express their views independently and frankly. They do so in an admirable and useful fashion that will stimulate everyone's thinking on these difficult and complex issues, setting the agenda for future studies of power.

The Corporate Rich and the Power Elite in the Twentieth Century demonstrates exactly how the corporate rich developed and implemented the policies and created the government structures that allowed them to dominate the United States. The book is framed within three historical developments that have made this domination possible: the rise and fall of the union movement, the initiation and subsequent limitation of government social-benefit programs, and the postwar expansion of international trade. The book's deep exploration into the various methods the corporate rich used to centralize power corrects major empirical misunderstandings concerning all three issue-areas. Further, it explains why the three ascendant theories of power in the early twenty-first century-interest-group pluralism, organizational state theory, and historical institutionalism-cannot account for the complexity of events that established the power elite's supremacy and led to labor's fall. More generally, and convincingly, the analysis reveals how a corporate-financed policy-planning network, consisting of foundations, think tanks, and policy-discussion groups, gradually developed in the twentieth century and played a pivotal role in all three issue-areas. Filled with new archival findings and commanding detail, this book offers readers a remarkable look into the nature of power in America during the twentieth century, and provides a starting point for future in-depth analyses of corporate power in the current century.

More equality, more fairness, more opportunity--these are themes on which progressives, now more than ever, could win elections and build social movements. Yet American progressives too seldom have put themselves in a position to capture the loyalty of American voters. In his newest book, Domhoff explains why the left's political strategies have failed, and he calls for new strategies and alliances that will lead to political success and a better America. Sure to be widely read and debated, the book reveals how campaigns by Nader and other third-party progressives have been misguided. Domhoff explains how and why third-party candidacies fail because of the structure of the political system, and then presents a new way for progressives to enter the political arena without compromising their basic values or their emphasis on participation in social movements. He shows how "planning through the market" holds more potential for freedom and fairness than centrally planned economies. He also shows how progressives can redefine who is "us" and who is "them" in a way that is more inclusive, allowing people across the class spectrum to support a renewed egalitarian vision.Accessible to anyone interested in American politics and policies, this book offers the political application of Domhoff's renowned theories of American power. For those who want to spark a dialogue in discussion groups, it is a lively companion reading to his "Who Rules America" as well as other books on power, inequality or government in America.

The New CEOs looks at the women and people of color leading Fortune 500 companies, exploring the factors that have helped them achieve success and their impact on the business world and society more broadly. As recently as fifteen years ago, there had only been three women CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, and no African Americans. As of July 2010, there had been 73 women, African American, Latino, and Asian CEOs of Fortune 500 companies some well-known, like Carly Fiorina of Hewlett Packard, and some less-known. Richard L. Zweigenhaft and G. William Domhoff look at these 'new CEOs' closely. Weaving compelling interview excerpts with new research, the book traces how these new CEOs came to power, questions whether they differ from white male Fortune 500 CEOs in meaningful ways, asks whether the companies that hired them differ from other companies, and discusses what we can learn about power in America from the emergence of these new CEOs. As Americans continue to debate corporate compensation, glass ceilings, and 'colorblind' relationships, The New CEOs shares information critical to understanding our current situation and looks toward the future in our increasingly globalized world. Featured July 5, 2012 on The Society Pages: Social Science That Matters. Click here. See The Society Pages Office Hours podcast here."

A fascinating strand of the human potential movement of the 1960s involved the dream mystique of a previously unknown Malaysian tribe, the Senoi, first brought to the attention of the Western world by adventurer-anthropologist-psychologist Kilton Stewart. Exploring the origin, attraction, and efficacy of the Senoi ideas, G. William Domhoff also investigates current research on dreams and concludes that the story of Senoi dream theory tells us more about certain aspects of American culture than it does about this distant tribe. In analyzing its mystical appeal, he comes to some unexpected conclusions about American spirituality and practicality.

Diversity in the Power Elite is a provocative analysis of the diversity that exists-and doesn't exist-among America's powerful people. Richard L. Zweigenhaft and G. William Domhoff examine the progress that has been made, and where progress has stalled, for women, African Americans, Latino/as, Asian Americans, LGBTQ people, and Jewish people among what C. Wright Mills called the "power elite," or those with significant financial or political influence in the U.S. The third edition of this classic text has been fully revised and updated throughout. It highlights examples of profound change, including the presidential election of Barack Obama, the nation's first black president, as well as the growing acceptance of LGBTQ people. And it also highlights the many ways that the promise of diversity has stalled or fallen short-that the playing field for non-white males and women is far from level. Filled with case studies that illuminate deep research, the book reveals a critical examination of the circles of power and discusses the impact of diversity on the way power works in the U.S.

Diversity in the Power Elite is a provocative analysis of the diversity that exists-and doesn't exist-among America's powerful people. Richard L. Zweigenhaft and G. William Domhoff examine the progress that has been made, and where progress has stalled, for women, African Americans, Latino/as, Asian Americans, LGBTQ people, and Jewish people among what C. Wright Mills called the "power elite," or those with significant financial or political influence in the U.S. The third edition of this classic text has been fully revised and updated throughout. It highlights examples of profound change, including the presidential election of Barack Obama, the nation's first black president, as well as the growing acceptance of LGBTQ people. And it also highlights the many ways that the promise of diversity has stalled or fallen short-that the playing field for non-white males and women is far from level. Filled with case studies that illuminate deep research, the book reveals a critical examination of the circles of power and discusses the impact of diversity on the way power works in the U.S.

G. William Domhoff presents a new neurocognitive theory of dreams in his book The Emergence of Dreaming. His theory stresses the similarities between dreaming and drifting waking thought, based on laboratory and non-laboratory studies that show as many as 70 to 80 percent of dreams are dramatized enactments of significant waking personal concerns about the past, present, and future. Domhoff discusses a developmental dimension of dreaming based on the unexpected laboratory discovery that young children dream infrequently and with less complexity until ages 9-11-supported by new findings with children who are awake that demonstrate the gradual emergence of cognitive skills necessary for dreaming. Domhoff's theory locates the neural substrate for dreaming in the same brain network now known to be most active during mind-wandering, and explains the transition into dreaming. Various strands of evidence lead to the conclusion that dreaming does not have any adaptive function, and is best viewed as an accidental by-product of adaptive waking cognitive abilities. However, cross-cultural and historical studies reveal that human inventiveness has made dreams an essential part of healing and religious ceremonies in many societies. Three chapters present detailed critiques of other current theories of dreams. The final chapter suggests how new and better studies of dreaming and its neurocognitive basis can be carried out using recent technological developments in both communications (e.g., smartphone apps) and neuroimaging (e.g., near infrared spectroscopy). As one of the first empirical and scientific treatments on dream research, The Emergence of Dreaming will be of interest to psychologists, cognitive neuroscientists, sleep researchers, and psychiatrists.

The New CEOs looks at the women and people of color leading Fortune 500 companies, exploring the factors that have helped them achieve success and their impact on the business world and society more broadly. As recently as fifteen years ago, there had only been three women CEOs of Fortune 500 companies, and no African Americans. By now there have been more than 100 women, African American, Latino, and Asian-American CEOs of Fortune 500 companies. Richard L. Zweigenhaft and G. William Domhoff look at these "new CEOs" closely. Weaving compelling interview excerpts with new research, the book traces how these new CEOs came to power, questions whether they differ from white male Fortune 500 CEOs in meaningful ways, asks whether the companies that hired them differ from other companies, and discusses what we can learn about power in America from the emergence of these new CEOs. As Americans continue to debate corporate compensation, glass ceilings, and colorblind relationships, The New CEOs shares information critical to understanding our current situation and looks toward the future in our increasingly globalized world. The paperback edition of The New CEOs features a new Introduction and an updated comprehensive list of new CEOs to date.

"The next thing the girl said was, 'I've never been near anyone black except for my maid.' And I thought, I'm going to have problems here."-Bobette Reed Kahn What were the feelings and experiences of the young blacks from economically impoverished backgrounds who in the 1960s were placed in white upper-class prep schools? What do their current attitudes and achievements reveal about the importance of race and class in America? In this sensitive and engrossing book, a social psychologist and a political sociologist report on the early graduates of A Better Chance, a program designed to recruit and prepare minority students for entry into exclusive boarding schools, elite colleges and universities, and ultimately positions of power and prestige. Zwegenhaft and Domhoff's book is a vivid testimony to the costs and the rewards of this innovative attempt to transcend racial barriers. As Zweigenhaft and Domhoff relate, these young men and women faced difficulties in the dramatic transition from black ghettos to the most exclusive boarding schools in the United States. Yet most not only endured but flourished. We hear their stories about the orientation programs they attended, their experiences in prep schools and colleges, the overt and covert forms of discrimination they faced, and the problems they encountered when they went home again. They discuss the pressures they felt, the friendships they made, the marriage partners they selected, and the frustrations and gratifications in their occupational lives. The question of the relative importance of race and class in the United States is an ongoing controversy among policymakers, educators, and social scientists. Zweigenhaft and Domhoff's study sheds light on this debate-it concludes that while the importance of class has increased in the past few decades, race is still the paramount factor in the personal and social identity of blacks.

"Class and Power in the New Deal" provides a new perspective on the origins and implementation of the three most important policies that emerged during the New Deal--the Agricultural Adjustment Act, the National Labor Relations Act, and the Social Security Act. It reveals how Northern corporate moderates, representing some of the largest fortunes and biggest companies of that era, proposed all three major initiatives and explores why there were no viable alternatives put forward by the opposition.
More generally, this book analyzes the seeming paradox of policy support and political opposition. The authors seek to demonstrate the superiority of class dominance theory over other perspectives--historical institutionalism, Marxism, and protest-disruption theory--in explaining the origins and development of these three policy initiatives. Domhoff and Webber draw on extensive new archival research to develop a fresh interpretation of this seminal period of American government and social policy development.